
SAN FRANCISCO - AUGUST 25: San Francisco mayor Gavin Newsom talks with reporters before test driving a plug-in version of the popular Toyota Prius that is one of four on loan to the city for evaluation August 25, 2010 in San Francisco, California. With sales of electric and plug-in hybrid cars expected to increase in the coming years, the Bay Area Air Quality Management District has set aside $5 million to increase the number of electric car charging stations to 5,000 around the Bay Area. There are currently 120 stations in the area. (Photo by Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)
Sacramento, California – It’s either a bold plan to safeguard democracy from Donald Trump’s grip on power—or a naked power grab by Gov. Gavin Newsom and California Democrats. That’s how Proposition 50, a November ballot measure to redraw California’s congressional map, is being framed as the state barrels toward an unusually consequential mid-decade redistricting fight.
With just five weeks before early voting begins, both sides have already poured more than $10 million into the campaign. That’s only the opening salvo in what is expected to be a nine-figure battle that could determine control of the U.S. House in 2026, and by extension, Trump’s ability to govern in his second term.
The stakes are enormous. Democrats need a net gain of only three seats to reclaim the House majority. Trump, working in tandem with Republican statehouses, has pressed GOP-led states like Texas to redraw their maps midcycle to tilt the playing field in his party’s favor. Texas Republicans passed a plan last month designed to flip up to five Democratic seats. California’s Democratic Legislature responded in kind, advancing its own map designed to lock down vulnerable blue districts and potentially pick off five GOP-held seats.
Newsom wasted little time tying his support for Proposition 50 to a larger message about democratic survival. “Wake up, we’re losing this country in real time,” he said last week. “This is not bloviating. This is not exaggeration. It’s happening.” His campaign has already raised $12 million, much of it through small donations, though major Democratic-aligned groups like the California Teachers Association and House Majority PAC have kicked in millions more. Newsom himself contributed $2 million from his campaign account, while labor unions and tech executives have lined up behind the effort.
The opposition is just as energized, though divided in its approach. Stop Sacramento’s Power Grab, a group led by former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy and former state GOP chair Jessica Millan Patterson, casts the measure as yet another attempt by Democrats to consolidate control. Protect Voters First, bankrolled by Republican donor Charles Munger Jr., is focusing on what it calls a betrayal of California’s independent redistricting commission. Munger, who spent heavily to establish that commission more than a decade ago, has already contributed $20 million to the fight.
Adding star power, former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger—who also championed the commission—is lending his voice against the measure, though he has stopped short of formally joining any campaign. Mailers citing bipartisan criticism of midcycle redistricting are already reaching households, and ad buys from both camps are expected to blanket airwaves and digital platforms by the weekend.
If voters approve Proposition 50, the new map would override the commission’s current boundaries and remain in effect until 2030. That would directly reshape the political fortunes of several California Republicans, including Kevin Kiley, Doug LaMalfa, Ken Calvert, David Valadao, and Darrell Issa. For Democrats in Washington, it’s an enticing opportunity to shore up their numbers and counter Trump’s advances elsewhere.
But opponents argue the measure breaks faith with California’s tradition of voter-backed independent redistricting and risks undermining trust in the system. As Kiley put it: “Two wrongs don’t make a right.”
Whether Californians see Proposition 50 as a safeguard or a swindle may ultimately decide not just the balance of the House, but the boundaries of American democracy itself.